Chinese President Xi Jinping visited Egypt on Wednesday, September 2, 2026. Characterized as an economic visit, it took place ten years after his previous one. During the visit, discussions focused on enhancing cooperation within the frameworks of Egypt Vision 2030 and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). More than twenty cooperation documents were signed—covering economics, trade, industry, supply chains, artificial intelligence, information technology, and the BRI —and the third phase of the Egyptian-Chinese Suez Economic and Trade Cooperation Zone (SETC), built by the Tianjin Economic-Technological Development Area (TEDA), for the Suez Canal area was launched. This phase targets sectors such as renewable energy, automobiles, textiles, electronics, and engineering industries, with a focus on deepening industrial and technological cooperation—specifically joint manufacturing and technology transfer—rather than merely engaging in construction projects or importing Chinese products.

A close examination of this visit reinforces the fact that all major powers covet the vast wealth of Muslim peoples. They view these countries as treasure troves waiting to be plundered and as consumer markets for their own products—goods manufactured using energy imported cheaply from Muslim lands or raw materials processed into industries whose output is then exported back to those same nations at exorbitant prices. Consequently, the majority of the twenty agreements signed between the two countries serve China's interests; this is evident in the significant imbalance in the trade relationship between the two nations. Egypt’s imports from China reached approximately $10.4 billion in the first half of 2026 alone, compared to Egyptian exports of less than $600 million—a deficit of nearly $9.8 billion in just six months. It is worth noting that China’s exports consist of consumer goods, whereas Egypt’s exports comprise vital commodities such as agricultural and food products, fertilizers, chemicals, and construction materials.

As China seeks to expand its markets across Africa—and in Egypt specifically—it has increased its investments in the country to nearly $10 billion, with a target of raising that figure to around $14 billion. There are approximately 3,000 Chinese companies operating in Egypt, including about 200 within the Suez Economic and Trade Cooperation Zone (SETC). Furthermore, the launch of a new phase of the SETC grants China a greater economic presence in a region of strategic importance to global trade. Consequently, Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit to Egypt transcends the mere development of bilateral relations; it has become part of the broader competition between China and the United States for commercial markets in the Middle East and Africa.

Although Xi Jinping’s visit presents significant economic and technological opportunities for China—particularly in digital infrastructure, artificial intelligence, and investment—the agreements are unlikely to serve China’s interests during actual implementation. This is due either to the Chinese president’s lack of political awareness regarding the reality of a pro-American Egypt—where the leadership and the political and economic establishment are all American proxies and agents—or to a greed that has clouded his political judgment. The issue lies not in the agreement itself, but in its execution; implementation does not rest with the Egyptian signatories, who must first receive the green light from their master, Trump, in Washington. Naturally, the green light will only be given if the US sees an interest in doing so or gains leverage to use against China regarding the various issues in dispute between the two nations.

It is a mistake to assume that seasoned global politicians—including the Chinese president—always possess political awareness and acumen; the reality may well be quite the opposite. This visit confirms that the Chinese president lacks such awareness and acumen. Striking trade deals and pouring billions into investment agreements between China and Egypt is not enough; China must also safeguard these investments against other colonialist rivals, foremost among them the US. For instance, the Belt and Road Initiative traverses countries largely under US influence; consequently, the US can block China’s path whenever it wishes to exert pressure, engage in extortion, or the like. Thus, the success of the Chinese president’s visit—and the agreements concluded with Sisi, “Trump’s favorite dictator”—hinges on US approval of China; yet, the likelihood of securing such approval is virtually nil.

The world’s colonialist powers are well aware of the vast wealth within Muslim lands and the importance of their strategic locations; hence, they vie fiercely for control over them. The primary instrument in this struggle among powers is the regimes that act as their proxies. Were it not for these regimes—which grant colonialist forces access to the Ummah’s wealth—the Ummah would enjoy these resources itself and emerge as a power flourishing economically, technologically, and commercially. It is a Shariah obligation upon the Ummah—and the sincere among those possessing military power and protection within it—to overthrow these puppet regimes and appoint a Khaleefah Rashid (rightly-guided Caliph) who rules by what Allah has revealed. In doing so, Allah (swt) will be pleased with us, and the Ummah will enjoy the bounties with which Allah has endowed it,

[وَلَوْ أَنَّ أَهْلَ الْقُرَى آمَنُوا وَاتَّقَوْا لَفَتَحْنَا عَلَيْهِمْ بَرَكَاتٍ مِنَ السَّمَاءِ وَالْأَرْضِ وَلَكِنْ كَذَّبُوا فَأَخَذْنَاهُمْ بِمَا كَانُوا يَكْسِبُونَ]

“And if only the people of the cities had believed and feared Allah, We would have opened upon them blessings from the heaven and the earth; but they denied the messengers, so We seized them for what they used to earn.” [TMQ Surah Al-Aaraf: 96].

* Member of the Media Office of Hizb ut Tahrir in Wilayah Egypt